Negative Consequences of Teen Motherhood For the Teens and Their Children

 

There is a general consensus among most people in the United States that teen childbearing is problematic.  The vast majority of teen births are unintended and research has shown that teen mothers are more likely than other young women their age to drop out of school, live in poverty and rely on public assistance, and their children tend to grow up in economically and educationally disadvantaged households.

 

 

Research closely links teen parenthood to many negative consequences for mothers, fathers, and their children.

 

Teen childbearing in the United States costs taxpayers (federal, state, and local) at least $9.1 billion, according to a 2006 report by Saul Hoffman, Ph.D. and published by the National Campaign to Prevent Teen Pregnancy. Most of the costs of teen childbearing are associated with negative consequences for the children of teen mothers, including increased costs for health care, foster care, and incarceration.

 

 

The Public Costs of Teen Childbearing

Key Data

 

Teen pregnancy and birth rates in the United States have declined by about one-third since the early 1990s.  Even so, early pregnancy and childbearing remain pressing concerns.  About one-third of teen girls get pregnant by age 20 and there were about 420,000 births to teens in 2004.  

 

By the Numbers: The Public Costs of Teen Childbearing presents the first analysis since 1996 of the cost to taxpayers of teen child-bearing.  The new analysis by Saul Hoffman, Ph.D., published by the National Campaign to Prevent Teen Pregnancy, also provides the first-ever estimates of the cost of teen childbearing in each state and Washington, DC.  

 

Key data from By the Numbers include: 

 

Public Costs of Teen Childbearing: 

 

• $9.1 billion: The cost to taxpayers (federal, state, and local) of teen childbearing in the United States in 2004 alone (for teens 19 and younger).

• $161 billion: The estimated cumulative public costs of teen childbearing between 1991 and 2004 (for teens 19 and younger).

 

Public Costs of Teen Childbearing by Age:

 

• $1,430: The average annual cost to taxpayers associated with a child born to a teen mother aged 19 and younger.

• $4,080: The average annual cost to taxpayers associated with a child born to a teen mother aged 17 and younger.

• $8.6 billion: The public costs of childbearing to teens aged 17 and younger.

 

Public Costs of Teen Childbearing by State: 

 

• State-by-state analysis of the costs of teen childbearing in 2004 ranged from a high of $1 billion in Texas to a low of $12 million in Vermont.

• Visit www.teenpregnancy.org/costs for fact sheets on the costs of teen childbearing in all 50 states and Washington, DC, along with tables with data for all states and Washington, DC.

 

Public Cost Savings Due to Decline in Teen Birth Rate: 

 

• $6.7 billion: Estimated national costs saved by taxpayers in 2004 alone due to the one-third decline in the teen birth rate between 1991 and 2004.

• States have realized substantial cost savings due to declines in the teen birth rate between 1991 and 2004, ranging from a high of over $1 billion in California to a low of $5 million in Wyoming.

 

Public Costs Associated with the Children of Teen Mothers by Cost Category: 

 

• Most of the public sector costs of teen childbearing are associated with negative consequences for the children of teen mothers.  Specific costs in 2004 include:

■ $1.9 billion in increased public sector health care costs.

■ $2.3 billion in increased child welfare costs.

■ $2.1 billion in increased costs of incarceration.

■ $2.9 billion in lost revenue due to lower taxes paid by the children of teen mothers over their own adult lifetimes as a result of lower education and earnings.

The National Campaign to Prevent Teen Pregnancy

www.teenpregnancy.org/costs

 

 

 

Why?

Decreasing teen pregnancy and unplanned pregnancy

(especially among single, young adults) and increasing the

proportion of pregnancies that are wanted and welcomed

by both parents will:

•         Reduce child poverty and income disparities;

•         Reduce  out-of-wedlock births;        

•         Improve overall family well-being;

•         Reduce taxpayers’ burdens;

•         Reduce the need for abortion;

•         Help women and men better plan their futures;                 

•         Increase educational attainment and improve the workforce;

•         Reduce family turmoil and relationship conflict; and

•         Help ensure healthier pregnancies, healthier babies, enhanced child development, and healthier future generations.

 

 

Unintended birth rates vary by socioeconomic status as well, with unintended birth rates being

much higher for women below the poverty level (58 per 1,000 women) than women at or above 200% of

the poverty level in 2001 (11 per 1,000 women).  Moreover, the rate of unintended births increased by 44%

among poor women but declined among women who were at or above 200% of the poverty level.

 

The goal of this literature review was to examine the consequences of unintended pregnancy and childbearing among young adults in rigorous studies with multivariate controls for confounding factors. We have found evidence of a significant association between unintended childbearing and a number of outcomes. Overall, the findings suggest that experiencing a birth or pregnancy that was unintended by the mother, who is most often studied, is associated with an array of negative outcomes, including delayed pre-natal care, reduced likelihood of breastfeeding, poorer mental and physical health during childhood, poorer educational and behavioral outcomes of the child, poorer maternal mental health, lower mother-child relationship quality, and an increased risk of the mother experiencing physical violence during pregnancy. 

There is also some evidence that unintended pregnancy is associated with a greater likelihood of the mother smoking while pregnant and of the child being born of a low birthweight, as well as a greater likelihood of children from unwanted pregnancies being single or divorced when they reach adulthood. Therefore, it suggests that unintended pregnancy, not just teen pregnancy, is an issue about which the general public should be concerned.  

 We first set out to examine prenatal and perinatal outcomes. A number of studies find that women with unintended pregnancies initiate prenatal care later than women with intended pregnancies. The findings are not as clear on other prenatal health behaviors, such as smoking and alcohol consumption during pregnancy. Some studies show that women are more likely to smoke while pregnant if the pregnancy is unintended, but other studies report conflicting results.  The one study identified that examined alcohol consumption during pregnancy found no association with pregnancy intentions.  While studies have found a link between pregnancy intention or attitudes and prematurity and low birth weight,  recent research suggests that this operates through less healthy maternal behaviors.  Additionally, mothers with unintended pregnancies are less likely to breastfeed than mothers who intended their pregnancies. 

Next, we examined the risks for the children born to mothers who did not intend their pregnancies/ births.  Children born of unintended pregnancies have poorer mental and physical health, less close mother- child relationships, and poorer educational and behavioral outcomes.  There is also evidence that being the product of an unwanted pregnancy is associated with being single or divorced later in life.

Finally, we examined outcomes for parents and couples who experienced an unintended pregnancy.  Relatively few studies examine the consequences of unintended births on the parents involved, with a particular lack of studies on fathers and the couple.  However, most studies indicate that women who experience unintended births are at a greater risk of negative mental health outcomes during and after pregnancy and experiencing physical abuse while pregnant.

http://www.thenationalcampaign.org/resources/reports.aspx#unplanned

 

Bearing a child during adolescence is often associated with long-term difficulties for the mother and her child. These consequences are often attributable to poverty and other adverse socioeconomic circumstances that frequently accompany early childbearing.26 Compared with babies born to older mothers, babies born to adolescent mothers, particularly young adolescent mothers, are at higher risk of low birthweight and infant mortality.6^,9,27 They are more likely to grow up in homes that offer lower levels of emotional support and cognitive stimulation and they are less likely to earn high school diplomas. For the mothers, giving birth during adolescence is associated with limited educational attainment, which in turn can reduce employment prospects and earnings potential.28 The birth rate of adolescents under age 18 is a measure of particular interest because the mothers are still of school age.

 

http://www.childstats.gov/americaschildren/famsoc6.asp

 

The Children of Teen Parents

FACT SHEET

FSU Center for

Prevention & Early

Intervention Policy

Poverty, inadequate social support, mothers’ lack of education, mothers’cognitive immaturity, and greater maternal stress have all been suggested as possible factors contributing to poor social and educational outcomes for the children of teen mothers. *

REFERENCES

RESEARCH

Moore, K.A., Morrison, D.R., &

Greene, A.D. (1997). Effects on the

children born to adolescent mothers. In

R. Maynard (Ed.), Kids having kids

(pp.145-180). Washington, DC: The

Urban Institute Press.

The children of adolescents are more likely to be born prematurely and 50% more likely to be low-birth weight babies (less than five and a half pounds) when compared to the children of mothers whose age was 20 or 21 when they had their first child.

Brooks-Gunn, J., & Furstenberg, F.F.

(1986). The children of adolescent

mothers: Physical, academic and

psychological outcomes.

Developmental Review 6, 224-251.

Teenagers often receive less adequate prenatal care – and receive it later –when special programs are not provided for them. When early, frequent, and quality obstetrical care is available, no increased risk is found in terms of the health of infants born to teenage mothers. The exception may be very young mothers, under 15 years of age.

Whitman, T.L., Borkowski, J.G.,

Schellenbach, C.J., & Nath, P.S. (1997).

Predicting and understanding

developmental delay of children of

adolescent mothers: A multidimensional

approach. American Journal of Mental

Deficiency, 92(1), 40-56.

Although developmental delay is not an inevitable consequence for infants of adolescent mothers, data suggests that this special class of children, when compared to children born to adult mothers, is at greater risk for a variety of developmental problems.

Wolfe, B., & Peroze, M. (1997). Teen

children’s health care and health use. In

R. Maynard (Ed.), Kids having kids

(pp.181-204). Washington, DC: The

Urban Institute Press.

As they grow, the children of adolescent mothers tend to suffer poorer health than do the children of women who were age 20 or 21 when their first child was born. According to parents’ reports of their children’s health status, 60% of children born to non-teen mothers were rated in “excellent” health, compared to 38% for children born to the youngest adolescent mothers.

George, R. M., & Lee, B.J. (1997).

Abuse and neglect of the children. In R.

Maynard (Ed.), Kids having kids (pp.

205-230). Washington, DC: The Urban

Institute Press.

The children born to the youngest teen mothers are at greater risk of being an “indicated case” of child abuse or neglect (and being placed in foster care) than are those born to older mothers. Children born to mothers age 15 and younger are two times more likely to become an indicated case of child abuse/neglect in the first five years of their lives than are the children born to mothers ages 20-21.

http://74.125.93.132/search?q=cache:bSq3S3xL-OUJ:www.cpeip.fsu.edu/resourceFiles/resourceFile_78.pdf+teen+mothers+child+abuse&cd=1&hl=en&ct=clnk&gl=us&client=firefox-a

 

 

Risks For Pregnant Teens

As a pregnant teenager, you have a higher risk of:

Premature labor and/or delivery (going into labor before the baby is fully developed)

Anemia (low iron levels in your blood)

Preeclampsia (swelling, high blood pressure and protein in your urine)

Having a baby with a low birth weight (less than five and a half pounds)

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http://www.intelihealth.com/IH/ihtIH/WSIHW000/31697/25753/310396.html?d=dmtContent

A teenage mother is at greater risk than women over age 20 for pregnancy complications, such as premature labor, anemia and high blood pressure (7). These risks are even greater for teens who are under 15 years old (7).  

 

What are the health risks to babies of teen mothers?
A baby born to a teenage mother is at higher risk than a baby born to an older mother for premature birth, low birthweight, other serious health problems and death.

Babies of teenage mothers are more likely to die in the first year of life than babies of women in their twenties and thirties. The risk is highest for babies of mothers under age 15. In 2005, 16.4 out of every 1,000 babies of women under age 15 died, compared to 6.8 per 1,000 for babies of women of all ages (9).

Teenage mothers are are more likely to have a low-birthweight baby. Most low-birthweght babies are born prematurely. The earlier a baby is born, the less she is likely to weigh. In 2006, 10 percent of mothers ages 15 to 19 had a low-birthweight baby, compared to 8.3 percent for mothers of all ages (2). The risk is higher for younger mothers: 

11.7 percent of 15-year-old mothers had a low-birthweight baby in 2006; 18,403 babies were born to girls this age, with 2,153 of low birthweight (2).

9.5 percent of 19-year-old mothers had a low-birthweight baby in 2006; 172,999 babies were born to these women, with 16,362 of low birthweight (2).

Babies who are premature and low birthweight may have organs that are not fully developed. This can lead to breathing problems, such as respiratory distress syndrome, bleeding in the brain, vision loss and serious intestinal problems.

Very low-birthweight babies (less than 3 1/3 pounds) are more than 100 times as likely to die, and moderately low-birthweight babies (between 3 1/3 and 5½ pounds) are more than 5 times as likely to die, in their first year of life than normal-weight babies (2).

http://www.marchofdimes.com/professionals/14332_1159.asp#head2_healthrisks

 

Teen Fathers Leave

 

Sadly, many teenage fathers leave before they can learn anything about becoming either men or fathers. Statistics show that 85 percent of young men who get a girl pregnant do not play any active role in the pregnancy or the life of the child. There are a number of reasons young fathers give for abandoning their kids. Some fathers are simply not welcomed by the baby’s mother or her family. Others might be confused about their financial responsibilities toward the child or their legal rights as fathers. Many are already overwhelmed enough by their lives at school and work, and acting like a father is more than they feel they are capable of at the moment. Unfortunately, some are also just following the example their own fathers gave them, disappearing from their lives like ghosts.

 

http://74.125.93.132/search?q=cache:fBoqTR-cV2QJ:www.teenhealthandwellness.com/article/324/teen-parents-speak-out+teen+pregnancy+90%25+fathers+leave&cd=3&hl=en&ct=clnk&gl=us&client=firefox-a

 

 

Teen Mothers Abuse Their Children As Compared to Older Mothers

 

Babies born to teenagers are at risk for neglect and abuse because their young mothers are uncertain about their roles and may be frustrated by the constant demands of caretaking.

http://www.aacap.org/cs/root/facts_for_families/when_children_have_children

 

 Children of teenage mothers had higher relative risks (RRs) of hospital admissions for violent as well as unintentional injuries; age adjusted RRs of 2.7 (95% CI 1.2 to 6.1) and 1.6 (1.4 to 1.8), respectively, for children of mothers under 18 years of age and 2.5 (1.6 to 3.8) and 1.5 (1.4 to 1.6) of mothers aged 18–19 are compared with those with mothers aged at least 32 at the birth of the child. When the models were adjusted to socioeconomic variables and indicators of parental substance misuse and psychiatric illness the risk decreased slightly but remained well above that of children with older mothers. In addition, children of teenage mothers had an increased risk of death attributable to violent injuries (RR 6.7 (2.6 to 16.0), as well as to unintentional injuries (RR 3.5 (2.0 to 6.1).

http://www.pubmedcentral.nih.gov/articlerender.fcgi?artid=1732862

 

 

 

This 20-year longitudinal study showed that the young adult offspring of teen mothers are at risk for a range of adverse outcomes including early school leaving, unemployment, early parenthood, and violent offending. We tested how much the effect of teen childbearing on offspring outcomes could be accounted for by social selection (in which a woman's characteristics that make her an inadequate parent also make her likely to bear children in her teens) versus social influence (in which the consequences of becoming a teen mother also bring harm to her children, apart from any characteristics of her own). The results provided support for both mechanisms. Across outcomes, maternal characteristics and family circumstances together accounted for approximately 39% of the effect of teen childbearing on offspring outcomes. Consistent with a social-selection hypothesis, maternal characteristics accounted for approximately 18% of the effect of teen childbearing on offspring outcomes; consistent with a social-influence hypothesis, family circumstances accounted for 21% of the teen childbearing effect after controlling for maternal characteristics. These results suggest that public policy initiatives should be targeted not only at delaying childbearing in the population but at supporting individual at-risk mothers and their children.

 

http://journals.cambridge.org/action/displayAbstract?fromPage=online&aid=74003

 

 

Fatherlessness

 

 

Teenagers living without their biological fathers

Are more likely to become teenage parents

Analysis of data from the National Child Development Study (NCDS) indicated that women whose parents had divorced were twice as likely to become teenage mothers as those from intact families (25% versus 14%). Men from divorced families were 1.8 times more likely to become fathers by the age of 22 than men from intact families (23% versus 13%). After controlling for childhood poverty and behavioural and educational problems, the odds for teenage motherhood and early fatherhood were reduced to 1.4. This means that children of divorce were still 40% more likely to become parents early, even after considering other family background factors.⁶⁰www.civitas.org.uk/pubs/experiments.php

 

TEENAGE PREGNANCY

Risk Factors. Although it is not inevitable, some life circumstances place girls at higher risk of becoming teen mothers. These include poverty, poor school performance,[b] growing up in a single parent household[/b], having a mother who was an adolescent mother, or having a sister who has become pregnant.

community.michiana.org/famconn/teenpreg.html

 

 

Affects of Fatherlessness on Children – Social Consequences.

"Children describe the loss of contact with a parent as the primary negative aspect of divorce." 1 Meanwhile, society is just now beginning to recognize on a widespread basis what children have known all along--; father-absence is one of the most destructive forces to children in our society. As has been noted "[f]ather-absence is the greatest social problem we face."2 Father-absence associated with divorce and sole maternal custody, is the primary predictor of a host of societal ills affecting and destroying children

"The decline of fatherhood is a major force behind many of the most disturbing problems that plague America: crime and juvenile delinquency; premature sexuality and out-of-wedlock births to teenagers; deteriorating educational achievement; depression, substance abuse, and alienation among adolescents; and the growing number of women and children in poverty…

Fathers are the first and most important men in the lives of girls. They provide role models, accustoming their daughters to male-female relationships. Engaged and responsive fathers play with their daughters and guide them into challenging activities. They protect them, providing them with a sense of physical and emotional security. Girls with adequate fathering are more able, as they grow older, to develop constructive heterosexual relationships based on trust and intimacy…

Why does living without a father pose such hazards for children? Two explanations are usually given: The children receive less supervision and protection from men mothers bring home, and they are also more emotionally deprived, which leaves them vulnerable to sexual abusers… Even a diligent absent father can’t supervise or protect his children the way a live-in father can. Nor is he likely to have the kind of relationship with his daughter that is usually needed to give her a foundation of emotional security and a model for nonsexual relationships with men… 3

3 D. Popenoe. “Life without father.”  In: C. Daniels, ed. Lost fathers: The Politics of Fatherlessness in America . (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1998)

http://waysandmeans.house.gov/legacy.asp?file=legacy/humres/107cong/6-28-01/record/chillegalfound.htm

 

Roots of Teen Pregnancy is Fatherlessness

Sunday, June 29, 2008

By Rinaldo Del Gallo, III

 

The high correlation between father absence and early teenage sexual activity and pregnancy has long been noted and is a conceded point. According to divorce magazine.com, “Fatherless homes account for . . . well over 50% of teen mothers.” US Department of Health and Human Services summarizes the risks of sole custody, single parent families: “More than a quarter of American children—nearly 17 million—do not live with their father. Girls without a father in their life are two and a half times as likely to get pregnant.” They may have understated the case.

The study found that girls who grew up in otherwise socially and economically privileged homes were not protected. “Father absence was so fundamentally linked to teenage pregnancy that its effects were largely undiminished by such factors as whether girls were rich or poor, black or white, New Zealand Maori or European, cooperative or defiant in temperament, born to adult or teenage mothers, raised in safe or violent neighborhoods, subjected to few or many stressful life events, reared by supportive or rejecting parents, exposed to functional or dysfunctional marriages, or closely or loosely monitored by parents,” Ellis reported.

 

Ellis concluded, “The current research suggests that, in relation to daughters’ sexual development, the social address of father absence is important in its own right and not just as a proxy for its many correlates.” It was found that “father absence was an overriding risk factor for early sexual activity and adolescent pregnancy.” Conversely, father presence was a major protective factor against early sexual outcomes, amazingly, even if other risk factors were present.

http://mensnewsdaily.com/2008/06/29/roots-of-teen-pregnancy-is-fatherlessness/